The Pilgrim
The Quarterly Bulletin of the Christian Society for the Study of Hinduism
Editor: Rev. A.J. Appasamy, M. A, (Harvard) Ph.D. (Oxon.)
MANORAMA, PALAMCOTTAH
| Volume | Date | Issue |
|---|---|---|
| 4 | July 1944 | 2 |
The Christian Society for the Study of Hinduism
Patrons: The Metropolitan of India, Calcutta Bishop BRENTON T. BADLEY, Delhi.
President: Bishop CLEMENT D. ROCKEY, Lucknow.
Vice-Presidents: The BISHOP of LUCKNOW, Allahabad Dr. A.J. APPASAMY, M.A., Ph.D., Palamcottah. Rev. O.L. DAVIS, M.A., Jabalpur. Rev. G.H.C. ANGUS, M.A., Serampore College.
Secretary: Mrs. W. STANLEY GOULD, Ewing Christian College, Allahabad
Treasurer: Dr. C.H. HAZLETT, Holland Hall, Allahabad
Convener, Benares Institute: Rev. R.C. DAS, M.A., Benares United City Mission, Ramkatora, Benares Cantonment.
Committee: Rev. M.P. DAVID, D.D., Raipur Prof. V.E. DUTT, M.A., Serampore Mr. PAUL DAS, B.A., Banaras
Editorial Board: Bishop Clement D. Rockey, Lucknow Mrs. W.S. Gould, Ewing Christian College, Allahabad Rev. G.H.C. Angus, Principal, Serampore College Rev. R.C. Das, Benares United City Mission Dr. A.J. Appasamy, Palamcottah (Editor)
The objects of the Christian Society for the Study of Hinduism are,
- To create and maintain adequate interest in the study of Hinduism by Christians
- To carry on the study in a sympathetic, constructive and critical way for the purpose of effective evangelism and
- To achieve the above objects in co-operation with Church and Mission bodies.
The activities of the Society are,
- To conduct in Benares (and if possible in a South Indian centre) an Institute of Hinduism stressing its popular aspects
- Publish The Pilgrim, a quarterly bulletin, bearing on Hinduism, its relation To Christianity and work among Hindus and
- To encourage the organisation of a permanent School of Hinduism.
The minimum annual subscription is Rs. 2/-. Membership fees and gifts may be sent to the treasurer, Dr. C.H. Hazlett, Holland Hall, Allahabad.
Every member will receive The Pilgrim free.
H.A. Krishna Pillai - Part 2
BY SIR DAVID DEVADOSS, MADRAS
The Conversion of Krishna Pillai’s Brother
There was an Anglo-Vernacular School at Palamcottah popularly known as Cruikshanks’ School from the name of the master of the school. The school was started in the forties of the last century and gave instruction in English, Mathematics, History and Geography and Tamil. The Headmaster was an Anglo-Indian who became blind in his twelfth year, but he was a remarkably clever man, well up in English and Mathematics. He was a pious Christian and by his example and precept he influenced the conduct of his students for good and was the means of several of the Hindu students embracing Christianity. There were two students in that school - Dhanakoti Raju and Manakavala Perumal Pillai. The former belonged to the clan of Rajus who had settled in Rajapalayam and claimed to be Rajaputs and the latter was a Vellalah belonging to a respectable family in Tinnevelly Town. These two became friends of Muthiah Pillai, the brother of Krishna Pillai. Dhanakoti Raju had a keen intellect and was an enthusiastic student. He made it a rule to tell Muthiah Pillai, of all that he had read and was taught in the school. Both being residents of Palameottah they went to the Tambaraparani river for an early bath as was the custom among the Hindus. Sometimes they went too early not knowing the time and would sleep till dawn on the sand after removing the dew drenched on it. They would then bathe and return home. Being of a religious turn of mind, their conversation naturally turned to religion. Muthiah Pillai had become unsettled in mind as the result of a close study of the Puranas which made him feel disgusted with the grotesque and obscene stories of the gods and goddesses portrayed therein, and his pure mind wanted something purer and nobler than popular. Hinduism offered. A study of the Hindu philosophy of Advaita did not satisfy him. Dhanakoti Raju, who had a thirst for knowledge, discussed with Muthiah Pillai the doubts and perplexities which troubled the latter’s mind. Their attention naturally turned towards Christianity. As Muthiah Pillai did not know English, Dhanakoti Raju taught him the rudiments of the language. Being proficient in Tamil, Muthiah Pillai soon acquired a good knowledge of English and they both began to read books on the Christian religion and the Bible. They read Paley’s Evidences and such other similar works as could be got from the Palamcottah Preparandab Institution. Manakavala Perumal joined them in their reading and discussions. Being strict Hindus they could not consult anybody for fear of their state of mind becoming known. They earnestly prayed for light and guidance. Gradually light dawned upon their minds. They came to the conclusion that Christianity was the true religion after being tossed to and fro for nearly three years on the sea of doubt.
Though they were convinced that Christ was the Saviour of mankind and that to love Him with one’s heart, mind and soul was the way to salvation, yet there were difficulties in the way of their becoming converts to Christianity. Muthiah Pillai had a mother who loved him more than her own life and a dear brother (Krishna Pillai) who was more than a brother to him since the time of their father’s death Dhanakoti Raju, being a Rajput, was married to a young girl, the daughter of the Public Prosecutor and Government pleader of the day. Manakavala Perumal, who had lost his father, had a doting mother and brothers and sister. A change of religion meant social ostracism and the severance of all natural ties. Becoming a convert was considered worse than death by the Hindu relations and friends. The loss of caste by the converts was a reflection on the family which became disgraced thereby, and would gladly see one of their number die rather than become a Christian. The young men’s mental state could be better imagined than described. They could not consult any Indian for there was no one as learned as Muthiah Pillai in the Hindu religious books and philosophy Dhanakoti Raju’s logical mind could not be satisfied by the people who were at Palamonttah. They could not consult a missionary as he would only insist upon their becoming Christians. They resolved that they would keep their belief secret and keep their convictions to themselves as they thought that it was not necessary to be baptised and become professing Christians in order to obtain salvation. They remained in this state for some months. This involved their following the customs and ceremonies enforced by popular Hinduism, which were revolting to their convictions. They felt they were living a double life - prayer and reading of the Bible in secret and observance of Hinduism in public. They went on with their work - the Munshi taught in the school and the others were busy with their studies.
The double life and the mental struggle became too much and the three made up their minds to declare their belief openly and take the consequences. They went one morning to Sargent’s bungalow and told him of the state of their minds and disclosed their intention to become Christians. Sargent, who had no inkling of what had been going on, could not believe his ears. He knew that Muthiah Pillai was a staunch Hindu and Vaishnava and that the other two belonged to very influential Hindu families - one the son-in-law of a leading Vakil and the other the scion of a well-to-do family. Though overjoyed with the news he hesitated to take them at their word. He questioned: them about the beliefs and the truths of the Christian religion and great was his astonishment when he found that they were not only familiar with the Bible and the essentials of the Christian religion but had read such books as Paley’s Evidences. After being satisfied that they were genuine in their determination to become Christians openly, he consented to receive them and made arrangements for their stay in his bungalow for he knew that as soon as the news spread in the town that the three young men had resolved to become Christians there would be an uproar and perhaps a riot in the attempt to rescue them and in consequence their lives would be in danger. Somehow or other the news leaked out and students of the Preparandah Institution who were all Christians, were in transport of joy that their beloved young Munshi was going to become a Christian.
The news soon reached the town of Palamcottah which caused a great commotion among the inhabitants. People crowded in the roads and all kinds of rumours were circulated. Feeling ran high and many thought of a rescue by force. Someone ran and told Muthiah Pillai’s mother that her son had become a Pariah. She cried aloud and lamented as if her dear son had been suddenly struck dead. When the news reached Raja’s and Manakavala’s houses the relations cried as if their loved ones had been suddenly killed. The relations of the young men begged Sargent to be allowed to interview the young men, but he stoutly refused as he feared an assault. When he heard of the commotion in the town, he wrote to the District authorities for protection against violence, and they sent Policemen to guard his bungalow. The relations went away highly incensed at the conduct of the missionary whom they accused of having kidnapped the young men. Some of the Christians who went over to the town for marketing were abused and ill-treated and brickbats were thrown at a few of them. The excitement in the town lasted several days. Sargent’s house was guarded day and night by his own servants and also by *the students of the Preparandah Institution in batches of four and five. Nearly ninety years after these events it is impossible to conceive what the feeling of the Hindus were when promising orthodox young men of good families left their homes and dear ones and became members of a hated and despised Christian community whose profession was a negation of all that the Hindus held dear-caste observance, devotion to their gods and goddesses and respect for family tradition.
The young men remained without food for nearly a day as they could not take food cooked by Christians, and they could not send for food from other houses as Sargent feared they might be poisoned. After searching high and low, Sargent found that Rev. Mr. Perisanayagam had belonged to the Vellalah caste, and he asked him to send food from his house; the first meal was brought to them by a young boy named John whose family had belonged to the Vellalah caste. This John became in after-life J.D. Savariraya Pillai, a distinguished Christian and the well-known Sheristadar of the District Court, Tinnevelly. Dhanakoti’s father-in-law, popularly known as Vakil Rajah, applied to the District Court for the release of his son-in-law alleging that he was a minor and that the Christian missionary had kidnapped him and Manakavala Perumal’s relations made a similar application to the Court. None applied on behalf of Muthiah Pillai as he was twenty-three years at the time though Raju was only twenty-one and Manakavalan was nineteen. The applications were heard by the District Judge, Mr. Silver Sargent took the three young men in his carriage to the court. The District Judge closely: questioned Raju and Manakavalan as well as Muthiah Pillai and found that not only they were educated young men, but also well-versed in the principles of the Christian religion. He held that there was neither coercion nor false inducement on the part of Sargent but that the young men of their own accord could change their religion as they were not minors and dismissed the applications against them. When Sargent was entering his carriage after the case was over. Manakavalan’s mother came behind him, threw dust on him and beat him on his back with the palms of her hands, saying; ‘May you perish forever!’ Great was the rejoicing in the Christian circles when the decision of the District Court was known.
The question of the supply of food to the young men was one of great difficulty Apart from caste scruples they were strict vegetarians and there was no Christian in Palamoottah of that caste; at last a caste man was made to cook for them. Muthiah Pillai’s mother pleaded hard to be allowed to send food to her son. She swore that she would never harm her son even though he had become a Christian and had been lost to her. After a month or two the feelings in the town quieted down and Sargent permitted food to be sent to the young men from their respective houses. They could not go to their homes for fear of wrongful confinement or something worse on their way to and fro.
The young men’s trials were not yet over. Sargent wanted them to remove their Kudimis (tuft knots) before he could baptise them. They refused to remove them. The missionaries of those days considered all social customs, habits and modes of dress to be connected with the Hindu religion. Owing to their ignorance and, want of understanding of what was part of the Hindu religion and what was not, they insisted upon all Christian men (young and old) having shaven heads. The Catholic missionaries did not interfere with the modes of, dress or the social customs of their converts. The converts to Muhammadanism in parts of Tinnevelly District such as Melapalayaam near Palamcottah wore no hair on the head but had only grown their beards. The young men would not yield. They argued that having a Kudimi or not had anything to do with religion and the missionaries who were foreigners and who did not understand the customs and habits of the people had no right to compel them to disfigure, themselves. Sargent would not yield, and the other missionaries supported him. Muthiah Pillai retorted that in that case he did not want to be baptised. The matter was argued vehemently on both sides.
All the Indian Christians and the students of the Preparandah Institution begged Mutbiah Pillai secretly not to yield to the unreasonable demand of the missionaries for they hated to be clean-shaven, which affected their appearance. The missionaries objected to several other things which the Hindus were in the habit of doing such as bathing in the river, cleaning the houses with cow-dung water and washing the clothes in the canals.
The argument about Kudimi went on for nearly eight months. Sargent could not meet Muthiah Pillai’s objection except by saying that it was a sign of the Hindu religion and Muthiah Pillai said that so was wearing a dhoti or talking the Tamil language and eating rice. Sargent at last found his position untenable and yielded to the young men. He somehow or other managed to persuade the youngest of the three to crop his hair to the neck as a compromise and the other two were baptised with their long tufts on. The controversy was so prolonged and so bitter that Caldwell thought it was best to write a pamphlet called Kudimi. All the Christians were mightily pleased at the moral victory of the new converts and gradually began to grow the hair on their heads. The fight with Sargent, who was a strong man and whom the Christians dreaded, raised Muthiah Pillai and his two friends in the estimation of Sargent himself that on a question of principle they could stand firm.
The young men could not conveniently live in their family houses with their relations as according to Hindu notions, they had become outcastes. Sargent tried to find quarters for them between Adaikalapuram where the Christians lived and the town of Palamocotth. It may be mentioned here that Palamcottah (Anglicised form of Palayamcottai meaning garrison fort) was a walled town with four large gates. Its fort was a strong one built more than five or six hundred years ago with huge dressed stones and mortar. The Christian Church and settlement were to the west of the fort, about half a mile from it. The fort was demolished after the great mutiny of 1857. Mr. Silver, the District Judge, who had heard the case against the young men came forward and gave a handsome donation of Rs. 5000/- for building houses for the new converts; quarters were built for them between the fort and Adaikalapuram near the Trichendore Road. Two of the houses, still known as mission houses, are in the occupation of mission agents even now. Sargent acquired considerable plots of land which he some years after sold to the new converts. The converts lived in the new houses built for them.
As soon as Mutbiah Pillai and his two friends announced their decision to become Christians and were housed in Sargent’s bungalow, information was sent to Krishna Pillai at Sawyerpuram. The news reached him when he was about to take his oil bath. He simply wiped the oil from his head and refusing to take his bath or food hurried to Palamcottah on foot and went straight to his mother. In those days there were bullock bandies only, and they took nearly a day to travel a distance of eighteen or twenty miles. So Krishna Pillai was in the habit of walking to and from Sawyerpuram. He found that the news was only too true. Both mother and son cried long and mingled their tears and lamented as if Muthiah, Pillai was dead. Krishna Pillai sought an interview with his brother but Sargent, who knew how dear the brothers were to one another, would not permit it as it would be very painful to both brothers though he had not the least doubt about Muthiah Pillai’s firmness in the new faith. Krishna Pillai stayed for a few days with his mother at Palamcottah and finding that he could not do anything to bring back his brother told his mother to be reconciled to the inevitable and went back to Sawyerpuram broken-hearted for he loved his brother dearly. Krishna Pillai was greatly grieved to lose his younger brother who was everything to him and whom he loved passionately.
Magic in Popular Hinduism
BY REV. C.G. DIEHL, B.A., B.D. Gurukul, Madras
Religion means in a great many cases seeking protection, and we will find magic playing a big part to that end in South India. In front of No. I Madavakam Street, Madras, where the road branches off in two, one Sunday evening two women with the help of a boy were busy with the following arrangements. They dug a small hole of about 5 inches in the road and boiled rice in a tiny pot (Pongal). When the Pongal was ready the younger of the women with her child, which had fever, sat down to the west of the hole facing East. The old woman kindled camphor and cut a lime and a coconut in pieces and waved them with some flowers three times around the head of the child. They were then put into the pit. The pot with rice was similarly waved and crushed in the pit. Lastly they cut the head of a lizard, which was kept ready tied to a stick, and smeared some blood on the forehead of the child, waved the carcass as they had done with the other things and threw it in the pit. Three one pie pieces were also offered in the same way. The mother took her child and stepped three times forward and backward over the pit and went straight home without looking back. Then the pit was filled. I was told it was called Tarai Pongal (Tarai = ground). An old woman explained that because the lizard is poisonous it contains all “Sootchi” (deceit, guile).
The absence of any prayer was conspicuous. There was not even a mantra. The action was performed, and its result simply expected as a result of the correct procedure. To that extent one can safely call it magic, but some details indicate other trends also. Why was this particular spot chosen? Probably because cross roads and parting roads are generally held to be the dwelling place of spirits. The offering of Pongal is a kind of sacrifice and comes under the heading of religion since some receiver of the foodstuff will have to be presumed. It will have to be noticed that the0 whole rice pot was given away and nothing eaten by the partakers of the ceremony. That explains why so little rice was cooked! A reference to Leviticus 16:27 suggests the idea of sin offering, when everything was to be burnt. In this case an evil malady was to be removed, and therefore nothing should be left. The lizard serves as a scape goat, a virtual connection being established between it and the sick child by smearing of its blood on the forehead of the child. The lizard carries away the disease, when it is dead and buried. The disease has ravaged to the full and had its victim, the lizard. The causal connection may be ignored or overlooked, but the sentimental relief is intelligible. “Don’t torment my child, you have had the lizard!” The cutting of the lemon which seems to be a common practice in magic for doing away with diseases may mean a symbolical separation.
The explanation of these many strange acts may be over logical. A psychological explanation may indicate that any action taken for the purpose with some reference to an unknown supernormal power will in itself bring relief to a worried mind, just as a promise of work to the unemployed given by a wizard will inspire much more hope if it is followed by the gift of a tuft of a rope as a concrete evidence that something is working for him. “He knows that there is only an idea not a real, bond between the work he hopes to get and that little thing which he has in his possession, but he finds it does him good to believe it is a real bond, and so he makes himself believe it.” Mr. Marett has in this way made this psychological background very clear, but one feels that there, is an element of compulsion in the belief. The mind of the woman who performs the TARAI PONGAL for her child and the man who obtains a piece of rope with a promise of work are actually “spell bound”. The reverence, respect or fear of the man who gave the conviction that his behaviour and actions are unintelligible and out of the ordinary and the mental background, where the reality of supernormal powers, whether regarded as spirits or not, are never doubted, must perforce induce the idea that now something is set going.
We can easily imagine the same effect from practices of driving out evil spirits. Near Tiruvallur Railway Station a Palmyra tree stands somewhat lonely on the brink of a pond to the North East. Around the trunk at about a man’s height was tied a string and in it was a tuft of a woman’s hair nailed into the tree with a big iron nail. Over it some liquid had been poured, and a broken pot was lying on the ground below. We have to imagine a woman, who was possessed by an evil spirit. In order to cure her the sorcerer takes a part of her body, the tuft of hair, which represents her whole self and nails it to the tree. The woman can do without a little of her hair but the evil spirit, which is all over her, cannot divide itself and must now follow the part of her body, which is separated from her and joined with another living being, the tree. In Frazer’s terminology we have the contagious element in the tuft of hair, which is by a symbolic act of nailing and tying transferred to the trunk of the tree. Even here the liquid and the pot may indicate a reference to spirits worshipped or propitiated. One may venture the guess that it was an offering to the spirit driven out of the woman in order to occupy him and make him feel “at home” in his new abode. I have no authority to speak in terms of psychology, but I can imagine a psychologist saying on hearing of some successful operations of this kind that a symbolic action sufficiently grounded in the mental disposition of a human being i.e., belief in a wider sense, can bring about a healing of a diseased mind as in this case.
When we think of magic elements in curing diseases one or two other instances are enlightening. At Tiruvallur one day two women, mother and grandmother, came with a little tray, on which they carried the foot of a child made of five metals. Their baby had some defect in its foot and to cure it the mother made a vow that she would give that foot to the temple and collect money to feed poor children. One noteworthy thing was that she could very well afford to distribute food bought with her own money, but that would not be of the same merit or value or - I think one would say with due regard to the subject before us - effect. Certain rules must be followed, or the plan will not work. Now the imitation of a part of the body, for which healing is sought, is extremely common. The religious act of offering is there interpreted by some as a means of contact between the healing power of a God and the suffering man, but also the ‘ideal bond’ between the sick limb and the wholesome, the symbolic act which attracts and directs the healing power. A similar instance was noticed in Madras. Two women brought on a small tray a pair of eyes made of silver and two figures of a baby, cut in thin silver plate. Their story was this. A pair of twins were born eleven days earlier. They had not yet opened their eyes, and their limbs remained folded up as when they were born. The woman had made a vow to beg money from nine houses and proceed to Negapatam to give the plate figures as an offering, one to Velandavar (Subramaniam), and one to Nagammal and the eyes to Nagammal. One could tell many similar stories of the extremely common offerings of cradles by women who desire children. Even if instances like these mostly refer to religious acts of prayer to a god, there is also the constraint laid on the divine will by the imitated figures, which are by no means chosen at random, since they are meant to guide the divine powers to the benefit of those who give them.
I have noted down another case of magic, which can be called a substitute marriage. I relate it just as I have been told of it. A girl was asked to marry a certain young man. The girl’s father: a Christian, consulted a magician. The latter said that the marriage would be the third one for the man. On inquiry, it was learnt that he had lost only one wife. The truth was that he had a concubine, but this was not known to his people, who were evidently puzzled by the statement from the sorcerer who knew of it. With his aid an imitation marriage function took place with a plantain tree as bride, and in the end the tree was cut in two, depicting the death of the second wife, so that, as the magician predicted, this girl might be safely given in marriage for the third time.
The interpretation is probably this. Since a man with a deeper knowledge of things had declared that this marriage was to be the third one, it was necessary to perform a second one first, so that all could know that it really was according to his prediction. Else it was feared that his prediction would cause a sudden death of the new wife. But it may also be explained in this way. Through the illegal connection powers were released, which could only be neutralised in a marriage. According to primitive conception the woman is taboo and the connection with her is full of danger and the husband could be free only through the death of his wife. The plantain serves an analogous purpose with the scape goat. It absorbs the marriage powers and is afterwards easily disposed of, and the bond of marriage is likewise. One might learn from this that the killing of a scape goat is not meant to be a sacrifice. It is the destruction of the evil and the annihilation of undesired effects. The magical aspect is found in the wilful control of powers, which would otherwise be overwhelming and prevent the proposed new marriage. The “instrument” is the plantain tree and the “end” the dissolution of the marriage through the death of the would-be-wife in her capacity of such, not the person herself. It is not the intention to kill anybody. Instead of killing the concubine they arranged for a substitute, the plantain tree and killed it.
Evil intentions are, however, not unheard of, and we shall now look at one or two such cases. When a man has a quarrel with his neighbour, this is one way of doing him harm. He goes to the sorcerer. It is to be kept in mind that in all cases with which we have dealt hitherto a special group of people are the professionals. Neither the temple priests nor as a rule the Pusaris of the village shrine are available for magic performances. In various parts of the country and among various communities they have different names, sometimes forming a separate caste or subdivision of caste like the Pandarams. There are Kodangis, Mantravadis, Mantrakarars etc. To one of these people our man goes and pays a fee of Rs. 10.
The sorcerer makes with flour a figure of the enemy and drives a nail through the limb or part of the body, where it is desired that pain and suffering should set in. Then he has some mantras to say over it and smears the figure with the magic ink, which he wears in his little bag together with many other odd things. There are now different procedures to choose from. The sorcerer may go to the house of the enemy at midnight, bury the doll at the threshold where the poor victim is sure to tread on it or place a stone on the roof, so that it falls down, when he leaves the house next morning. When he notices a stone falling down behind him, he is under the spell, and here we must again reckon with the psychological effect. With the general background for his mental disposition once a man has become aware of the fact that a spell is working against him, it is by no means a matter easily dispensed with. He is “bound” to suffer. The only remedy is to approach another sorcerer, pay him and make him find the source of the evil, that is the doll or a container which holds a spell like the one we find in the “Taytu” or with a drawing on it, serving the same purpose as the doll. We may also find the contagious magic represented by a thread from the victim’s clothes, a hair from the head, his nail or dirt from his body or dust under his feet.
Instead of burying these things near the house the sorcerer may go to the burning ghat where the sorcerer reads the “urukkel” (mantra) over the magic instrument 108 or any other fixed number of times, throwing a piece of a flower for each time the number is completed. My spokesman told me that at the same time an assistant must stand by, throwing pieces of boiled rice mixed with blood in the air round about them to keep the demons away. Afterwards he burns the figure just as a corpse is burnt, and the same will soon happen to the original.
The worst way of hitting an enemy in this way is to tear the spell into pieces and throw it into running water, because it cannot afterwards be found and rendered harmless by another sorcerer. In other cases a still mightier wizard may find the buried remnants and undo its effects.
An instance is told of a house where all on a sudden stones, human hairs and all sorts of impurities rained over the people. They had to vacate the house and call a sorcerer. He made some sacrifices at midnight for three days running in the burning ground. On the fourth night a “Swami” descended in the sorcerer and made him dance and told him that there was a copper plate with a spell buried under the threshold of the house. If that was taken up and burnt, the house would become habitable again.
I have been told of a sorcerer who fell in love with a woman and gave some of his magical ink to use for her “make-up” (in her forehead), After two days she ran away from her home and joined the sorcerer.
These examples of magic are all very common and not peculiar to South India, We recognise many similar stories told in any book on Primitive Religion. But it will nevertheless be of great value, if they are studied thoroughly, firstly because they will help us to understand the art of magic in its many aspects as a religious or semi-religious practice, as a psychological phenomenon and as a social factor. Secondly it will help to clarify the relationship between religion and magic; which, I think one is justified in saying, is a really big problem.
There is one thing which should be pointed out as a last remark. To look out for magic in South India seems to be like plunging into a sea without any shore. We have just dipped our hands in its water.
Printed at the Hilal Press, Tirunelveli 7-1944
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THE CHRISTIAN LITERATURE SOCIETY POST BOX No. 501, PARK TOWN, MADRAS.
The Benares Institute of Hinduism
The next Institute is expected to be held in Benares from 23rd September for about a month with five or six Christian teachers and a number of local Hindu scholars. In the mornings there will be visits to the Temples, Monasteries and Schools in the City. In the evenings there will be lectures on various aspects of Hinduism followed by discussion. Those interested should write for the Prospectus to Rev. R.C. Das, United City Mission, Purushottamaa, Benares.
THE PILGRIM
After the matter for the July Pilgrim was sent to the Press, the Paper Control Order was passed. The articles were considerably abridged and then set up. Hence, the delay in the publication of the July number. When the restrictions are modified or withdrawn, we expect to increase the number of pages.